Soc. Sci. 2015, 4, 520â€“532; doi:10.3390/socsci4030520
The Struggles of Solidarity: Chicana/o-Mexican Networks,
Nydia A. Martinez 1,2
History Department, Eastern Washington University, 103 Patterson Hall, Cheney, WA 99004,
USA; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-210-508-8558
Chicano Education Program, Eastern Washington University, 103 Patterson Hall, Cheney,
WA 99004, USA
Academic Editor: Joanna Swanger
Received: 15 May 2015 / Accepted: 9 June 2015 / Published: 28 July 2015
Abstract: Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, members of the Chicana/o Movement reached
across class, borders, and ideologies to proclaim a political solidarity with the Mexican
Left. Both, Chicana/os and Mexican activists expressed a narrative of political solidarity
that encompassed a perceived shared experience of oppression and struggles for liberation.
I contend, however, that both groups saw the source of their oppression and forms of
resistance through different lenses. Chicana/o activists identified racism, discrimination,
and cultural erasure with oppression, and they retrofit Mexican nationalism with political
radicalism. In contrast, Mexican activists celebrated Marxist ideologies as radical political
resistance against an increasing authoritarian government and associated Mexican
nationalism with state repression and political manipulation.
Keywords: Chicana/o history; Mexican history; social movements; 20th century;
It was in the global moment of Third World liberation movements of the 1960s and 1970s that
Mexican and Chicana/o activists, politicians, and intellectuals set out to re-envision new forms of
transnational solidarity. These young activists imagined a Mexican nationalism that proclaimed unity
across borders despite a long history of Mexican American exclusion from Mexican historical,
political, and cultural narratives. While young urban Chicana/o activists were alarmed by racial
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 521
discrimination and cultural erasure, urban students from Mexico were opposing an increasingly
authoritarian government whose legitimacy rested in an idealized revolutionary past. While Chicana/os
adopted Mexicoâ€™s state-sponsored revolutionary nationalism to their own cultural nationalism in order
to resist cultural erasure and racism, Mexican leftists identified those same ideas with government
repression. Whereas Chicana/o usage of Mexican nationalism was a radical assertion to demand equal
citizenship in the context of the United States, the same expressions of Mexican nationalism were
contested between the Mexican state and its political dissidents who looked to Marxist ideologies as a
The central argument of this article is that while Mexican and Mexican American communities became
disjointed by competing nationalisms and political identities, the historical global moment of Third
World liberation movements allowed both sides to re-envision a sense of political mobilization.
Despite desires to build international solidarity centered on an imagined sense of common struggles
and origins, the long seated emotional, ideological, and cultural walls between them continued to
separate these communities. Throughout this work, I use the terms like Chicana/o, Mexican American,
and Mexican, which require clarification. The plethora of labels used to identify the diversity of identities,
regions, and historical processes within communities on both sides of the border is confusing, even for
those within the communities. For people in the United States the labels include: Mexican, Mexican
American (non-hyphenated), Mexican-American (hyphenated), Indo-Hispano, Tejano, Nuevo Mexicano,
Californiano, Chicano, Chicana/o, [email protected], [email protected], Hispanic, and [email protected] Each of these labels
represents a specific historical moment and at times specific political identity or challenge. In the case
of the general term Chicana/o, its etymology continues to be debated. In the 1960s, however, it became a
signifier of political consciousness and cultural identity for young Mexican Americans [1,2]. Before
the 1960s politicization, the term Chicano was a pejorative that indicated people of Mexican descent
living in the United States Southwest of lower social class status. They were contrasted to middle-class
individuals who commonly identified as Mexican-Americans, with or without a hyphen . Furthermore,
the presence of Mexican immigrants with different levels of U.S. and Mexican acculturation further
complicated the use of general labels like Mexican American, Chicana/o, or Mexican.
A similar situation occurs with the label of â€œMexicanâ€, which indicates a nationality. It is an
identity, however, commonly associated with specific racial, linguistic, and cultural traits that have been
continuously promoted, adopted, and adapted by people on both sides of the border, but especially by
the Mexican state under the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutionalized Revolutionary
Party, PRI). The label of Mexican also obscures racial, ethnic, linguistic, local, and regional diversities
within Mexico. People in Mexico like those in the United States also self-identified by their region or
town of origin such as â€œRegiomontanoâ€ (Monterrey), â€œGuerrerenseâ€ (Guerrero), â€œOaxaqueÃ±oâ€ (Oaxaca),
or â€œChilangoâ€ (Mexico City) to indicate specific cultural and political identities. Throughout this
article, I use the labels of Mexican American (Chicana/os) and Mexicans as general terms for people
on both sides of the borders, a strategy used by the participants of these movements themselves. As
activists moved across the U.S.-Mexico border, their identities became generalized. For instance
Tejanos and Californianos who crossed into Mexico became Mexican Americans (Chicana/os), and when
Chilangos and OaxaqueÃ±os cross into the United States, they all became Mexican.
Furthermore, the intellectual and political exchange that took place between Chicana/os and
Mexicans included a large variety of groups and individuals from both sides that represented a
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 522
multiplicity of ideological and regional strands. For instance, Chicana/o groups who visited Mexico,
especially Mexico City, included university students from California and Colorado, labor activists
from Texas, political organizers from New Mexico, and artists mostly from the U.S. Southwest. These
groups themselves presented the Chicana/o struggles to their Mexican audiences in general terms,
which reinforced the idea that all Mexican Americans (Chicana/os) had a similar experience with
oppression despite their geographical location or social status. In the case of Mexican activists,
intellectuals, and politicians who collaborated with Chicana/os for the most part they came from
Mexico City and its surrounding semi-urban areas like Cuernavaca. This meant that the problematic
and ideas presented by Mexican activists and intellectuals to Chicana/os were shaped in great part by
the political activism taking place in Mexico City. However, that is not to say that Mexicans from rural
areas did not connected with Chicana/os, but their collaboration was more sporadic at this time.
2. Part I: Asserting Political Needs and Desires
For Mexican Americans, a sense of national identity and political subjectivity evolved through
experiences of ambiguous belonging. At times Mexican Americans were seen as valuable â€œpatriotic
Americansâ€ and economic subjects for the United States, while at other times they were despised for
their cultural and racial otherness. Although, Mexican Americans had been organizing to end
discrimination by advocating for assimilation, they were able to make only modest advances. By the
1960s, young Mexican Americans were seeking alternatives to assimilation and began contesting the
discrimination, exploitation, and cultural erasure that their communities had been enduring for over a
century in the United States.
Influenced by aspects of the Cuban Revolution, the long history of African American activism,
Third World ideas of political struggle, and their own traditions, they forged a movement known as
El Movimiento Chicano (Chicana/o Movement). Without a unifying political objective or origin,
young Mexican Americans conceived the Chicana/o Movement as a peaceful undertaking to advance
the political desires and needs of their communities. After decades of persistent psychological, emotional,
and political barriers erected around people of Mexican descent by a narrow U.S. nationalism built on
imagined ideas of racial purity and cultural homogeneity, Chicana/os proclaimed their own imagined
Mexican and Indigenous cultural values as superior to those of Anglos. By using aspects of Mexican
history and nationalism that exalted a glorious Mexican past, they forged a counternarrative that
allowed them to reconsider their political subjectivity.
Chicana/o cultural nationalism emerged to fulfill a psychological need and political desire to upend
the pervasive ideological, cultural, and emotional walls created by U.S. white supremacy while
promoting political unity across diverse regions, social classes, and political subjectivities. At the 1969
Denver Youth Liberation Conference, hundreds of Chicana/o youth debated the manifesto El Plan
Espiritual de AztlÃ¡n and asserted the ideological centrality of Chicana/o nationalism. In so doing they
began to realize a new political subjectivity. The emergence of Chicana/o nationalists seeking to carve
out a sovereign territory and political identity from a society that excluded them was expressed through
the idea of the â€œNation of AztlÃ¡nâ€, which was conceived of as the mythical Mexica (Aztec) place of
origin from which they migrated southward to what is now Central Mexico. Chicana/os self-proclaimed
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 523
their indigenous ancestry as part of their search for a political identity and declared the U.S. Southwest
(which had formerly been Mexico) the mythical homeland of the Mexica.
Chicana/os rooted their claim to sovereignty based on a longstanding residence in the areas of the
U.S. Southwest prior to European colonization and a claim to a Chicana/o identity through a blood
lineage. They asserted that at least one of their ancestors was of Mexican-Indian blood and lived in the
U.S. Southwest, an area that was within hundreds of miles from Tenochtitlan (today Mexico City)
prior to European domination. For Chicanos the percentage of native blood was not relevant to their
claims to be indigenous, but the growing awareness of historical and cultural heritage that evolved
through the Chicana/o Movement, led to a new sense of pride and political awareness. Chicana/os were
identifying more closely with their native roots than with their other ancestors. This new sense of
political radicalism based on their self-proclaimed indigenous ancestry led to a new political radicalism
that demanded the right to self-determination, nationhood, sovereignty, and reparations from the U.S.
government for crimes committed against Chicana/os and their ancestors. They declared that while
Europeans immigrants came freely to the United States, their ancestors did not chose to be invaded or
cross the border. Some Chicana/o radicals declared that they owed allegiance neither to the United States
nor to the Mexican nation. They asserted â€œindigenous rightâ€ to sovereignty under â€œinternational lawâ€.
Chicana/os felt that their dual cultural identity gave them a legitimate claim to promote a political
project that retrofitted Mexican nationalism to demand U.S. citizenship. That said, the use of cultural
nationalism within the Chicana/o Movement did not go uncontested, especially by groups who subscribed
to more internationalist ideas like Marxism, which saw cultural nationalism as inadequate to eradicating
inequalities among Chicana/o communities. The strongest challenge to cultural nationalism, however,
came from Chicana feminists. Chicanas recognized that â€œcultural nationalism also served as a regulatory
apparatus to discipline deviant subjects who do not fit within those boundariesâ€¦imbedded in the
critique is a challenge to the ways in which culturalist arguments were used to support and give
historical weight to male dominance, supremacy, and sexual politicsâ€ . In other words, the argument
against Chicana/o cultural nationalism was not just about the narrow ideological construction that
limited the formation of international solidarity movements but also about the ways that nationalism
operated to justify heteronormative behaviors.
Although, the complexities of the Chicana/o Movement cannot be reduced to cultural nationalism,
nonetheless, it was a central analytical framework for activists to understand their oppression and
frame their resistance. In the context of the United States, the retrofitting of Mexican state-sponsored
nationalism was meant to resist white supremacy and provide a sense of cultural pride and unity to
resist decades of oppression. The rejection of assimilation was at the center of Chicana/o nationalism,
which ranged from extreme militants advocating separatism to those fostering cultural essentialism.
The notion of mestizaje (the mixing of indigenous and Spanish ancestries) served as a central
strategy to challenge assimilation and promote, in the United States, indigenous ethnic pride. More
important, mestizaje stood as a radical and celebratory character for Chicana/o politics in direct
defiance of the U.S. notion of racial miscegenation, which white supremacy conceived as a detrimental
attribute. Although, the Spanish colonial project had been more tolerant than their British counterparts
towards racial mixing (mestizaje), nonetheless, mestizos held a lower rank than Europeans in the racial
and social hierarchies of the New World. In the twentieth century, the idea of mestizaje re-emerged
following the Mexican Revolution of 1910, at a time when the Mexican state and its political elites
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 524
struggled to bring about national unity. Mexican philosopher, politician, and first secretary of public
education (1921â€“1924), under Ãlvaro ObregÃ³n, JosÃ© Vasconcelos re-imagined the idea of mestizaje
through the notion of Raza Cosmica (Cosmic Race) .
Vasconcelos was a contradictory figure. On one hand he condemned the Holocaust and Nazism in
Europe while at the same time was a staunch anti-Semite who used ideas of racial-superiority in his
promotion of mestizaje . He suggested that the mestizos (Cosmic Race) had been called to be the
leaders of the world . In the context of the struggles for civil rights, mestizaje became a central
component of the Chicana/o political platform in the 1960s. Chicana/os embraced mestizaje as a
political strategy to challenge forced assimilation of their communities into Euro-American culture.
Ironically, in Mexico Vasconcelosâ€™ idea of a â€œcosmic raceâ€ was an endorsement for a Hispanic mestizo
identity that privileged European culture and transformed the â€œIndianâ€ into an idealized source of
national pride . Both Chicana/o and Mexican ideas of mestizaje rested on hierarchical ideas of race
and ethnicity despite their advocacy for ethno-racial inclusiveness. Chicana/os wrestled with the paradox
of resisting discrimination and essentialism in the United States, while at the same time they retrofitted
Mexican state-sponsored ideas about Mexicanness, which valued a certain kind of historical amnesia
and ethno-racial exclusions for the sake of national unity.
3. Part II: Chicano-Mexican Relations
Inspired by movements of decolonization and national liberation in the Third World, Mexicans and
Chicana/o activists participated in new forms of political solidarity across national borders.
Internationalism and third world consciousness served as new ideological platforms for Chicana/o
activists, many of whom coordinated cultural and political exchanges and travelled to Mexico for the
first time. This new consciousness coincided with the political turmoil of the Mexican Dirty War,
which took place under the one-party regime of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional
Revolutionary Party, or PRI) against urban and rural political dissidents .
The 1970s were a formative decade for Mexicanâ€“Chicana/o relations, which led to the Mexican
stateâ€™s reconsideration of its political and cultural sovereignty beyond its national borders. Chicana/o
political activism was organized to address issues of discrimination, equal access to education, political
participation, police brutality, the Vietnam War, and regaining control of the Southwest, which was lost
in the Mexican-American War. Building on the long historical legacy of community activism of other
communities of color such as African Americans, young Chicana/os took on more confrontational
strategies. In 1967, in East Los Angeles, 18-year-old David SÃ¡nchez established Young Chicanos for
Community Action (YCCA), which soon became known as the Brown Berets . The Berets
demanded an end to police brutality, equal access to education, and the liberation of the Southwest
from Anglo domination.
Distinguished by their militaristic brown uniforms and use of paramilitary watch patrols that resembled
the Black Panthers in style, the Berets claimed to represent â€œstreet youthâ€ from East L.A. (el barrio) as
the â€œLiberation Armyâ€ of the Chicano people . The group was influenced in part by ideals from
third world liberation movements, but despite their resemblance to the Black Panther Party, the Brown
Berets did not follow a Marxist trajectory . On the contrary, their ideological perspective focused
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 525
on cultural nationalism, linking their political struggle to nationalist movements fighting for
self-determination and autonomy in the Third World .
The Brown Berets led thousands of Chicana/o students to walk out of East Los Angeles high
schools in March 1968. The students demanded bilingual education, more Latina/o teachers, better
facilities, and the revision of textbooks to include Mexican American history . The walkouts,
otherwise known as the â€œBlowoutsâ€, inspired a chain of similar protests among Chicana/o high school
and college students across the Midwest, West, and Southwest. Their actions prompted a backlash of
school administrator disciplinary measures, police violence, and the arrests of leaders under criminal
conspiracy charges. Chicana/o and Mexican American organizations responded with rallies in support
of the students and their demands. Their responses shaped the Chicana/o Movement and its claims
The East Los Angeles Blowouts were the equivalent of the student movement in Mexico City,
whose watershed event was the student massacre in Tlatelolco 10 days before the 1968 Summer
Olympics in Mexico City. Similar to the Mexican student movement, Chicana/o student-led Blowouts
in Los Angeles inspired young Chicana/os throughout the Southwest and Midwest to stage walkouts
and similar protests. While the success of the Blowouts helped to anchor the rhetoric of self-determination
in the Chicana/o Movement, the devastation of the Tlatelolco massacre became the perpetual focus of
the Mexican leftâ€™s rhetoric against the Mexican state. Both the Blowouts and the Tlatelolco student
massacre had enormous political repercussions within their communities, but while the Blowouts were
a source of inspiration, Tlatelolco was a cautionary tale of the oppressive power of the state. The tragic
death of dozens (probably hundreds) of students in Tlatelolco made them into martyrs, while the use of
police brutality and arrests of Chicana/o students made them into heroes. Unlike the apathy of Mexican
civil society for the excessive use of violence against students, the police force against and detention of
Chicana/o students generated large support across most of the Mexican American community.
While the Chicana/o Movement was taking shape across the United States and the Mexican state
was increasing its repression against political dissidents, the Vietnam War and other Cold War struggles
continued to affect the Third World. The use of minorities as cannon fodder gave thousands of young
Chicana/os a better understanding of how racism, U.S. foreign policy, and Third World liberation
movements were interconnected, and Chicana/o opposition towards the Vietnam War grew. Activists
argued that â€œChicanos and the Vietnamese were both members of the Third World in that both were
non-white people suffering from the exploitative nature of U.S. imperialism and capitalism. [Therefore]
â€¦the Chicano claim to the land was an anticolonial struggle similar to what the Vietnamese were
wagingâ€ . As Chicana/os drew parallels with the cultural, political, and territorial struggles of
Vietnam, they also rejected ideas from early generations of Mexican Americans who promoted American
patriotism, whiteness, and the value of military service as strategies to end with racial segregation .
Mexican students became aware of the Chicana/o Movement gradually. Their attention had initially
been to promote the Cuban Revolution and to a lesser extent a better understanding of conflicts in
Africa, Asia, and struggles against racism in the United States. Nonetheless, in response to the U.S.
occupation of the Dominican Republic (1965), the war in Vietnam, and increasing racial upheavals that
were polarizing the United States, Mexican students and intellectuals, especially those on the Left,
became increasingly critical of U.S. imperialism, its reliance on military force, and the continued strength
of racism in everyday life. Both Mexican leftists and Chicana/o activists were disillusioned with their
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 526
societies and endorsed the need for more radical forms of political mobilization. Both idealized
revolutionary political mobilization, although neither was clear in how to achieve it.
Throughout the late 1960s and 1970s, Mexican and Chicana/o activists travelled across Mexico,
Europe, and the United States sharing ideologies and experiences. In the course of their political battles,
they learned about each otherâ€™s struggles, mutual experiences of repression, and the proliferation of
political movements by marginalized communities across the globe. Their awareness of shared
experiences generated the conditions for political solidary between Mexican and Chicana/o activists.
As the Chicana/o Movement emerged in the United States in the 1960s and began to capture the
attention of Mexican activists, the Mexican government also became interested in knowing more about
Chicana/o political upheavals. The Mexican government guarded against outside influences that could
exacerbate domestic political instability. The primary intelligence gathering institution in Mexico, the
DirecciÃ³n Federal de Seguridad (Federal Security Directorate) or DFS, conducted a study about
Chicana/os titled, â€œPolitical and Social Investigation of Current Principal Problems in Mexican-American
(Chicano) Communitiesâ€ . The data for the study were gathered from the mysterious Centro
Cultural Mexicano-Americano, a place where Mexican American university professors from various
disciplines contributed to the analysis of Chicana/o communities . The report addressed a series of
questions about the nature of the racial, cultural, and ethnic identity, social status, and diversity within
Mexican American communities. The recognition of regional, economic, and political diversity did not
prevent them from using the labels of â€œChicanoâ€ and â€œMexican Americansâ€ as synonymous for all the
people of Mexican descent living in the United States. While the study focused on the issue of the
nature of the Chicana/o community and their struggles as an ethnic, racial, and cultural group,
nonetheless, it missed the local nuances of the communities. The use of the generic labels â€œMexican
Americansâ€ and â€œChicanosâ€, however, was not restricted to people in Mexico; Chicana/os themselves
presented their movement as the embodiment of the experiences of their entire community.
Reading like a Marxist analysis of class oppression, the report argued that â€œMexican-Americans,
although they identified as part of the proletariat, are not an oppressed social class, but rather an
oppressed ethnic groupâ€ . The implication of identifying Chicana/os as an â€œethnic groupâ€ rather than
a â€œsocial classâ€ suggested that a proletarian revolution could be connected with Chicana/os. The report
concluded, â€œMexican-Americans have ideals, material influences, and socialist dreams; but the most
important motives that frame their activities areâ€¦poverty, social exclusion and persecutionâ€ . The
report by the DFS provided a broad understanding of the nature of the Chicana/o Movementâ€™s aims,
but the use of Marxist analysis to characterize Chicana/os seemed to have been a litmus test to assess
the potential of Chicana/os aligning with Mexican communists.
Besides the DFS, throughout the late 1960s and 1970s Mexican periodicals informed Mexican
audiences about who the â€œChicana/osâ€ were, their struggles, and their conditions in the United States.
The common denominators across most of these articles were Chicana/o experiences with racism and
violent discrimination by â€œYankee imperialistsâ€, the effects of the War of the American Invasion or as it is
known to most U.S. citizens, the Mexican American War, on their community, and their unbreakable
connections with Mexico. In an article headlined â€œCHICANOS: EXTRAÃ‘OS EN â€˜EL PARAISOâ€™â€
(Chicanos: Foreigners in â€œParadiseâ€), the author described the Chicana/oâ€™s connections to Mexico in
part to â€œThe pride in their Indian blood and its dignity is the umbilical cord that unite [Chicana/os]
with the Spanish speaking razaâ€™â€¦â€ . Reports on racial discrimination against and discussions of
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 527
Chicana/os framing their connections with Mexico through their indigenous and geographical origins
were common in Mexican periodicals. The leftist Mexican journal Por quÃ©? reported: â€œThey call
themselves â€˜La Razaâ€™. They are proud of being the Mestizo race from Indian and Spanish and they
have also the honor of being the most hated national minority by the North American â€˜angloâ€™â€¦because
they carry on their shoulders the hatred of the North American for the Spanishâ€ . Por quÃ©?, typical
of much of the independent press, supported the struggles of the Chicana/o Movement by describing
its historical background, supporting the Chicana/o use of cultural nationalism, and recognizing
Chicana/os as part of the Third World.
[Chicana/os] are of TÃºpac Amaro blood, of Quatemozin, of Quetzalcoatl and JerÃ³nimo, of
JoaquÃn Murrieta, of Benito JuÃ¡rez, of Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Villa, have resisted
dissolutionâ€¦isolated in the vast West, dedicated to agricultural work, the Hispano-Americans
did not have general contact with revolutionary propaganda, leftist groups from industrial
cities, with exiles, and students of the â€œthird world.â€ Therefore, the movements of â€œChicanosâ€
are in many cases in a primary stage of their ideological anti-imperialist struggle .
On the one hand, the article lent aid to Chicana/os in their struggles and encouraged the Movement
to make connections with Mexico and the rest of Latin America. On the other hand, the description
that the Chicana/o Movement was isolated from â€œrevolutionary propagandaâ€ created an image of the
Chicana/o Movement as consisting of rural peasants. This inaccurate and condescending description of
the political activism of Chicana/os was an example of Mexicansâ€™ limited understanding of Chicana/os.
Por quÃ©? explained why the Chicana/o emphasis on indigenous and revolutionary identities was
revolutionary and connected to â€œmore revolutionaryâ€ struggles taking places among other groups. The
editors clearly expressed a preference for â€œadvanced revolutionary ideologyâ€â€”Marxist, Maoist,
Trotskyist, or other theoretical ideas of revolutionâ€”over the cultural nationalism of Chicanos who
evoked a romantic past.
More conservative Mexican commentators harshly criticized and despised Chicana/o expressions of
â€œMexicanness.â€ Such was the case of an article that appeared in El Nacional about the distortion of the
Spanish language among Chicana/os in the United States.
For those of us [Mexicans] who learn the [Spanish] language in our homesâ€¦for many
generationsâ€¦it is sad to view with impotence its death on the other side of the border,
although, Chicana/os defend it with their tooth and nail. But what can they do? Nothing.
Poor illiterate in their great majority! It would be different were they intellectualsâ€¦If
instead of being Chicanos they had been Germans from Sudetenland or the Volga region;
then they would be a pistol pointing at the heart of the United States. But they are not, not
even a sling, an arch, or the ax of the Homo erectus of the caves. The end of the Spanish
language in [the United States is looming]â€¦First, the impoverishment of their vocabulary
will diminish the possibilities to express ideas. And letâ€™s not say elevated ideas! Second is
the reduction of the space for communication. Third, the borrowing of words from other
languages [or pochismos]â€¦and fourthâ€¦crack! the total break .
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 528
The working class and rural origins, the Spanglish, and the Indianness that Chicana/os embraced
with pride and used as a resource for political mobilization were the same qualities that Mexican elites
used to denigrate Indians, the working classes, Afro Mexicans, Asian Mexicans, and Arab Mexicans.
Ironically, most politicized Chicana/os who tried to reconnect with Mexico were university students.
However, Mexicoâ€™s urban middle and upper classes enforced a high linguistic bar against their
countrymen and Chicana/os as well.
Mexican intellectuals strongly influenced exchanges between Mexicans and Chicana/os. The work
of Mexican sociologist Jorge Bustamante, who conducted his graduate work at the University of Notre
Dame at the height of the Chicana/o Movement in the 1960s and 1970s, focused on Mexican
immigration to the United States . He played a leading role in bringing attention to issues affecting
undocumented migrants to Mexican scholars and institutions like UNAM and later to President Luis
EcheverrÃa [19,20]. In the late 1960s, while carrying out research at Notre Dame, Bustamante posed as
an undocumented migrant to get firsthand experience of the lives of migrants crossing into the United
States. Throughout the 1970s, at the height of the Chicana/o Movement, he published scholarly articles
both in English and Spanish in the United States and Mexico: Los Mojados; The Wetback Story (1971),
â€œDon Chanoâ€: AutobiografÃa de un emigrante mexicano (1971), and El espalda mojada: informe de
un observador participante (1973) . In 1972, Bustamante returned briefly to Mexico where he
taught a class titled â€œThe Sociology of U.S. Minorities-Los Chicanosâ€ at UNAM, its first course on the
Chicano Movement [22â€“29]. In the early 1970s, Mexican university students expressed a pronounced
interest in learning about the Chicana/o Movement and establishing intellectual, artistic, and political
collaboration with it.
In 1975, Octavio Paz, Mexicoâ€™s poet-diplomat and Nobel Literature Prize winner moved away from
his infamous 1950 essay â€œThe Pachuco and Other Extremesâ€. Echoing the enthusiasm among
intellectual circles for the Chicana/o Movement, he wrote â€œâ€¦the Chicano movement has impressed
Mexicans and they follow it with great deal of attention. Naturally at times we do not have all the
information that we should haveâ€¦And consequently, I believe that although the Chicano movement is
seen with interest, it is not as well known as it should beâ€ . In the 1950s, Paz had criticized the
Pachucos for their distortion of Mexicanness; however, in 1973 Paz had a more affirmative attitude
towards Chicano Mexicanness when he commended them for their ability, unlike Mexican urban dwellers,
to preserve their Mexican values  Furthermore, Paz complimented Chicano activism and recognized
its internationalism, which he saw as organized â€œnot under aesthetic or social principles, but under
political principlesâ€ . Along similar lines and because it repossessed Mexican nationalism in service
to social transformation rather than at the service of state elites, Mexican writer Carlos Monsivais
acclaimed the Chicana/o Movement.
In 1977, Monsivais wrote the prologue to an edited volume of articles about Chicana/o history
La otra cara de MÃ©xico: el pueblo chicano (The Other Mexican Face: The Chicano People) , in
which he celebrated the politicization of Mexican nationalism by Chicana/os and Mexicans living in
the United States. While criticizing the political apathy of Mexican civil society, he also recognized the
need for solidarity between Mexicans and Chicana/os.
To comprehend the Chicano process is a need of the first order for Mexicoâ€™s incipient, weak, and
chaotic civil society. The variety of reasons range from culture to history, from geographic fatalism to
racial origins, from shared to discarded myths, from the economy to the folklore, from our ancestors to
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 529
the braceros. Nothing could be more destructive than to proceed with these politics of indifference,
contempt, resentment, or mockery, which have historically been a distinctive sign of our treatment
towards the Mexican-American or Chicano community .
In their effort to connect with Mexico, Chicana/o activists attended intellectual conferences, traveled
in Mexico, and organized cultural exchanges. The experience of Chicana/os in Mexico, however, was
far from the cultural and political ideal of â€œMexicoâ€ that they had imagined. In 1971, a number of
Chicana/o professors and graduate students attended a ten-week institute in Mexico City at which they
became disillusioned. â€œâ€¦Chicanos experienced numerous rechazosâ€”feelings that they were out of
place and that Mexican society was not what they had described to their studentsâ€ . They expected
to find a pristine rural and ideal Mexico. Instead, the Mexico City of the 1970s was a modern
burgeoning capital filled with rigid class structures and social and economic disparities, with people
dressing and acting more like â€œgringosâ€ than the Aztecs of the mythological Mexico of Chicana/o
nationalism. Chicana/os attending the institute felt alienated in Mexico City. â€œ[Chicanos] see a [Mexican]
society that economically, politically and socially is almost a carbon copy of the United Statesâ€¦The
subordination of Chicanos, like that of lower class Mexicans, exists not simply because of their race or
culture, but because of the capitalist system in which they find themselvesâ€”a system which uses racial
and cultural issues as means of economic exploitationâ€ . There was a dichotomy in Mexican
attitudes towards the United States. On the one hand, Mexicans were prompt to criticize the United
States and its policies, while at the same time they consumed and adopted its fashions, ideas, music,
and language. The author pointed directly to the problematic construction of a Chicana/o cultural
nationalism that uncritically generated romantic ideas and expectations about Mexico and Mexicans.
By the 1960s, Mexico was struggling with the emergence of political militancy among its youth,
who saw Marxist tenets as blueprints towards a new social order. In the United States the fear of
homegrown communists became entangled with political activism and race relations. At the time,
when the United States hoped to stop Communist expansion and â€œ[c]ivil rights groups had to walk a
fine line, making it clear that their reform efforts were meant to fill out the contours of American
democracy, and not to challenge or undermine itâ€ . Like Mexican activists who were influenced by
Third World liberation and calls for socialist revolution, young Mexican Americans were also
influenced by internationalist calls for liberation and gave birth to the Chicana/o Movement .
While the Mexican Left readily used Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideologies, made calls for a socialist
revolution, and challenged Mexican nationalism, the Chicana/o Movement mixed Marxism with
cultural nationalism to assert its political voice in the United States.
Cultural nationalism rooted in the cultural, historical, and political legacies of Mexico and the
United States served Chicana/os as a tool to recover a sense of origin, belonging, and unity. In contrast,
Mexican activists criticized the use of Mexican nationalism by the ruling party, PRI, as a tool of
oppression. At one level, the in-between status of the Chicana/o Movement stood in contrast to other
â€œnationalist movements in history [that emphasized] racial â€˜purityâ€™ as the basis for identity; [instead]
new Chicana/o identities were premised on the kind of â€˜race mixingâ€™ or amalgamation that had
horrified racist thinkersâ€ . These new Chicana/o identities not only rejected the ideas of racial
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 530
purity, but they pushed the national boundaries of their politicization beyond national borders by
connecting with the struggles of the Third World. At another level, however, Chicana/o cultural
nationalism rested on the Mexican stateâ€™s ethno-racist construction of mestizaje, which privileged
European whiteness and disregarded indigenous identity.
Activists on both sides of the Mexico-U.S. border made pragmatic choices about the strategies,
rhetoric, and goals of their political activism, such as their identification with oppression, claims
against their political systems, and claims of political solidarity with other groups experiencing
oppression across the globe. Local traditions as well as international forces like the Cold War also
influenced the strategies and objectives of political activists, leading to ambivalent conjuncture and
disruptions in the search for Mexican and Chicana/o political solidarity.
In the United States, Chicana/o activists used racial and ethnic struggles as their framework for
political positions and strategies and to connect their struggles with those of oppressed nations across
the globe. Their use was a major factor in distinguishing Chicana/o political activism in the United
States from that of the Mexican Left. The experience of Chicana/o activists with racial discrimination
encouraged them to articulate diverse political ideals and strategies centered on a â€œstrategic deployment
of key features of Mexican and Mexican American history and culture in order to fashion individual
and collective subjects capable of asserting agency and demanding self-determinationâ€ .
Despite the support and advocacy of Mexican intellectuals, rigid Mexican class barriers, which
served to disguise issues of racial and ethnic discrimination, hindered the acceptance of Chicana/os,
the large majority of whom came from working class households that left Mexico in search of work
and better opportunities. Their families spoke Spanish with less â€œrefinementâ€ than educated Mexicans.
Mexican American experiences of class oppression, police repression, and racism were important
experiences that connected Chicana/o political radicalism with its Mexican counterpart, but the
working-class origins and cultural nationalism of Chicana/os generated criticism and rejection by
Nydia Aleyda Martinez would like to thank the reviewers and the Pre-Doctoral Fellowship at
Earlham College for funding that aided in the final preparation of this article. Special thanks to Linda
Hall, David Maciel, and Joanna Swanger for their help in the process.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflict of interest.
1. Arnoldo Carlos Vento. Mestizo: The History, Culture, and Politics of the Mexican and the
Chicanoâ€”The Emerging Mestizo-Americans. Lanham: University Press of America, 1998, p. 221.
2. Ruben Salazar. â€œWho is a Chicano? And What Is It the Chicanos Want?â€ The Los Angeles Times,
6 February 1970.
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 531
3. Anna Maria Dâ€™Amore. Translating Contemporary Mexican Texts: Fidelity to Alterity. New York:
Peter Lang, 2009, pp. 63â€“64.
4. Maylei Blackwell. Chicana Power! Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011, p. 93.
5. JosÃ© Vasconcelos. The Cosmic Race = La Raza CÃ³smica. Los Angeles: Centro de Publicaciones, 1979.
6. â€œSpeaking of Pictures: These are signs of Nazi Fifth Columns Everywhere.â€ Life Magazine, 17
June 1940, p. 11.
7. Ilan Stavans. JosÃ© Vasconcelos: The Prophet of Race. New York: Rutgers University Press, 2011,
pp. 5, 107â€“8.
8. William H. Beezley. â€œCreating Mexicoâ€™s Revolutionary Culture: Vasconcelos, Indians,
Anthropologists, and Calendar Girls.â€ In A Companion to Mexican History and Culture. Edited by
William H. Beezley. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
9. â€œOfficial Report Released on Mexicoâ€™s â€˜Dirty Warâ€™: Government Acknowledges Responsibility
for Massacres, Torture, Disappearances and Genocide.â€ The National Security Archive. Available
online: http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB209/index.htm#informe (accessed on
12 November 2012).
10. Marguerite V. Marin. Social Protest in an Urban Barrio: A Study of the Chicano Movement,
1966â€“1974. Lanham: University Press of America, 1991, pp. 143â€“53.
11. Max Elbaum. Revolution in the Air Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. New York:
Verso, 2006, pp. 42, 79.
12. Adriana Katzew, and Lilia R. de Katzew. â€œVisual Culture and Art Activism.â€ In Marching
Students: Chicana and Chicano Activism in Education. Edited by Margarita Berta-Ãvila, Anita
Tijerina Revilla and Julie LÃ³pez Figueroa. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2011, pp. 44â€“45.
13. Lorena Oropeza. Raza Si! Guerra No!: Chicano Protest and Patriotism during the Viet Nam War.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, pp. 82â€“95.
14. â€œInvestigaciÃ³n Social y PolÃtica de los Problemas Actuales en las Comunidades Mexicoamericanas
(Chicanos).â€ Exp.11â€“204â€“1, Folder 8â€“30, Movimiento Chicano, Archivo General de la NaciÃ³n:
Ramo DirecciÃ³n Federal de Seguridad, Mexico City.
15. â€œChicanos: ExtraÃ±os en â€˜El ParaÃsoâ€™.â€ Revistas de Revistas Semanario de ExcÃ©lsior, 16 June 1972,
16. Luis Reyes. â€œMinoria Mexicana Odiada en EE.UU.â€ Por que? Revista Independiente, 8 October
1970, pp. 18â€“23.
17. Guillermo Jordan. â€œEl Chicano en los Estados Unidos.â€ El ExcÃ©lsior, 21 June 1972.
18. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œUniversity of Notre Dame, Department of Sociology.â€ Available online:
http://sociology.nd.edu/faculty/faculty-by-alpha/jorge-a-bustamante/ (accessed on 30 November 2013).
19. Jorge Bustamante. â€œChicano-Mexicano Relations: From Practice to Theory.â€ In Chicano-Mexicano
Relations. Edited by Tatcho Mindiola and Max MartÃnez. Houston: Mexican American Studies
20. Arturo SantamarÃa GÃ³mez. La politÃca entre MÃ©xico y AztlÃ¡n. Mexico City: Universidad
AutÃ³noma de Sinaloa, 1994, p. 74.
21. JosÃ© Ãngel GutiÃ©rrez. The Making of a Chicano Militant: Lessons from Cristal. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1998, p. 234.
Soc. Sci. 2015, 4 532
22. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œEl Espalda Mojada: Informe de Un Observador Participante.â€ Revista de
La Universidad de Mexico 27 (1973): 26â€“46.
23. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œEl Programa Fronterizo de Maquiladoras: Observaciones Para Una
EvaluaciÃ³n.â€ Foro Internacional 16 (1975): 183â€“204.
24. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œEl Debate Sobre La â€˜InvasiÃ³n Silenciosaâ€™.â€ Foro Internacional 17 (1977):
25. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œUndocumented Immigration from Mexico: Research Report.â€ International
Migration Review 11 (1977): 149â€“77.
26. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œEmigraciÃ³n Indocumentada a Los Estados Unidos.â€ Foro Internacional 18
27. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œLas Propuestas de PolÃtica Migratoria En Los Estados Unidos y Sus
Repercusiones En MÃ©xico.â€ Foro Internacional 18 (1978): 522â€“30.
28. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œEl Estudio de La Zona Fronteriza MÃ©xico-Estados Unidos.â€ Foro
Internacional 19 (1979): 471â€“516.
29. Roberto Ham Chande, and Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œLas Expulsiones de Indocumentados Mexicanos.â€
DemografÃa y EconomÃa 13 (1979): 185â€“207.
30. Mario Ojeda, Samuel I. del Villar, and Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œCuestiones Clave En Las
Relaciones MÃ©xico-Estados Unidos.â€ Foro Internacional 19 (1978): 303â€“25.
31. Jorge A. Bustamante. â€œJorge A. Bustamante, Curriculum Vitae, 2008.â€ Available online:
http://sociology.nd.edu/assets/43063/bustamante_cv.pdf (accessed on 15 June 2014).
32. Luis Leal. â€œOctavio Paz and the Chicano.â€ Latin American Literary Review 5 (1977): 116â€“18.
33. Octavio Paz. â€œThe Pachuco and Other Extremes.â€ In The Labyrinth of Solitude; The Other
Mexico; Return to the Labyrinth of Solitude; Mexico and the United States; The Philanthropic
Ogre. Translated by Lysanders Kemp, Yara Milos and Rachel Phillips Belash. New York: Grove
Press, 1985, pp. 13â€“15.
34. David Maciel. La Otra Cara de MÃ©xico: El pueblo chicano. Mexico City: El Caballito, 1977.
35. Carlos MonsivÃ¡is. â€œDe MÃ©xico y los Chicanos, de MÃ©xico y su cultura fronteriza.â€ In La Otra
Cara de MÃ©xico, El pueblo. MÃ©xico City: El Caballito, 1977, p. 2.
36. Mario T. Garcia. â€œChicanos in Mexico.â€ Raza de Bronze Newspaper, April 1972.
37. Mary L. Dudziak. Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011, p. 11.
38. George Mariscal. Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 2005, pp. 45, 72.
Â© 2015 by the author; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license
Any academic writer who wishes to join our team of professional writers must possess all the following qualities:
To write an exemplary academic paper, you must have good critical thinking skills, possess the proper knowledge of the discipline, and be knowledgeable about applying an academic writing style.
As such we have a rigorous recruitment process. We only collaborate with professional academic writers. We believe in offering the highest quality academic writing services. Our writers pass various grammar and academic writing tests. They have to provide documents about their personal information and credentials to prove their level of expertise.
As a result, our clients receive papers that are thoroughly-researched, properly cited, and written within academic standards. We are proud that any academic writer from our writer's team can complete the paper at a high standard.
We work with the student’s budget because we know that students are usually on a budget majority of the time. We do not compromise on quality because of low prices. On the contrary, we love to foster a good relationship with our clients. That is why we charge our clients reasonable prices, and we are willing to negotiate and work with their budget.
It may be quite disturbing to decide whether to hire an academic writing company. We care about our client’s privacy and confidentiality. We never disclose your information to third parties. We never publish your paper online. You can use our academic writing service without any fear or anxiety.
Many students struggle with writing academic papers. Some barely have time to do their assignments because of their job and family responsibilities. Others have difficulty applying critical thinking skills or meeting time or assignment requirements. Whatever the reason is, you can always have time to do the things you love and other important things. All you need is a reliable and quality academic writing service. Unfortunately, even if you strongly desire to write the paper yourself, you sometimes face unexpected challenges. As we all know, life is unpredictable! Your teacher may be unconcerned about helping students and may not answer your questions. The good news is that there is a way out! You can hire an online academic writer to help you with your assignments. All you need to do is stipulate your paper requirements in the order form, and you can spend your time as you like.
Our company commits towards delivering high-quality custom papers to our clients. We seek to offer reliable essay writing services to our customers in various subject areas. Our customers are very valuable to us. As such, we commit to ensuring that they derive the utmost satisfaction from the essays we deliver. We have a mission to promote our clients' educational and professional lives by providing high-quality essays for their use. We also have a mission to offer a convenient essay writing system where our customers can easily order and pay for the services. We value quality and professionalism in our company.
We write papers on any subject area, and we also write various types of papers for various purposes. We have a team of able writers who are eager to help our customers with writing services of exceptional quality. We offer custom writing services for customers across the globe and charge affordable prices for our services. We are the best essay writing company offering personalized services to all our customers. We ensure our customers receive maximum satisfaction from the essays we deliver. Our website is the place to be if you are seeking high-quality essays.
By using our academic writing service, we match your paper subject with a writer with a degree in the subject. The writer is able to apply their skills, knowledge, and expertise to the paper. You receive an original, unique, well-research paper, properly cited and formatted. As such, you are assured of a high-quality paper.
Truth be told, writing assignments can be stressful and difficult for any student. There is no shame in getting academic writing help. When you search the term “get academic writing help” there are numerous sites that pop up on the results and our website is among them. So, why is it a great idea to choose us?
During your course, your instructor will assign various types of homework. Our academic writers can prepare essays, presentations, speeches, case studies, research papers, dissertations, thesis papers, and more. Our writer’s department is capable of tackling any assignment of any complexity easily. All you need is to give us detailed instructions to help our experts understand the task.After doing so, you can rest assured that everything is in control, and we will deliver a paper of unmatchable quality.
Are you a college or university student pursuing your Bachelor’s , Masters, PhD, or Doctorate degree? Sometimes juggling schoolwork with work, family and hobbies can seem like a daunting task. You have to sacrifice one or the other. The sole purpose of our website is to alleviate your academic burdens. We ensure that you do not fail in your classes and you get good grades consistently. We understand that there is a need for academic help.
We acknowledge that our clients are not dumb or lazy but only need academic life need help in order to live a balanced life and make ends meet. We make it our core priority to ensure that all assignments are done and submitted before the stipulated deadlines. All our writers are graduates. They are competent in handling the clients’ assignments. We step in to help you with any and all of your assignments. Our assignment help service ensures that you never miss a grade or deadline.
Students barely have time to read. We got you! Have your literature essay or book review written without having the hassle of reading the book. You can get your literature paper custom-written for you by our literature specialists.
Do you struggle with finance? No need to torture yourself if finance is not your cup of tea. You can order your finance paper from our academic writing service and get 100% original work from competent finance experts.
While psychology may be an interesting subject, you may lack sufficient time to handle your assignments. Don’t despair; by using our academic writing service, you can be assured of perfect grades. Moreover, your grades will be consistent.
Engineering is quite a demanding subject. Students face a lot of pressure and barely have enough time to do what they love to do. Our academic writing service got you covered! Our engineering specialists follow the paper instructions and ensure timely delivery of the paper.
In the nursing course, you may have difficulties with literature reviews, annotated bibliographies, critical essays, and other assignments. Our nursing assignment writers will offer you professional nursing paper help at low prices.
Truth be told, sociology papers can be quite exhausting. Our academic writing service relieves you of fatigue, pressure, and stress. You can relax and have peace of mind as our academic writers handle your sociology assignment.
We take pride in having some of the best business writers in the industry. Our business writers have a lot of experience in the field. They are reliable, and you can be assured of a high-grade paper. They are able to handle business papers of any subject, length, deadline, and difficulty!
We boast of having some of the most experienced statistics experts in the industry. Our statistics experts have diverse skills, expertise, and knowledge to handle any kind of assignment. They have access to all kinds of software to get your assignment done.
Writing a law essay may prove to be an insurmountable obstacle especially when you need to know the peculiarities of the legislative framework. Take advantage of our top-notch law specialists and get superb grades and 100% satisfaction.
Our prices depend on the urgency of your assignment, your academic level, the course subject, and the length of the assignment. Basically, more complex assignments will cost more than simpler ones. The level of expertise is also a major determinant of the price of your assignment.
If you need professional help with completing any kind of homework, is the right place to get it. Whether you are looking for essay, coursework, research, or term paper help, or with any other assignments, it is no problem for us. At our cheap essay writing service, you can be sure to get credible academic aid for a reasonable price, as the name of our website suggests. For years, we have been providing online custom writing assistance to students from countries all over the world, including the US, the UK, Australia, Canada, Italy, New Zealand, China, and Japan.
Our cheap essay writing service has already gained a positive reputation in this business field. Understandably so, since all custom papers produced by our academic writers are individually crafted from scratch and written according to all your instructions and requirements. We offer APA, MLA, or a Chicago style paper in almost 70 disciplines. Here, you can get quality custom essays, as well as a dissertation, a research paper, or term papers for sale. Any paper will be written on time for a cheap price.
Using our cheap essay writing help is beneficial not only because of its easy access and low cost, but because of how helpful it can be to your studies. Buy custom written papers online from our academic company and we won't disappoint you with our high quality of university, college, and high school papers. Although our writing service is one of the cheapest you can find, we have been in the business long enough to learn how to maintain a balance between quality, wages, and profit. Whenever you need help with your assignment, we will be happy to assist you.
It might seem impossible to you that all custom-written essays, research papers, speeches, book reviews, and other custom task completed by our writers are both of high quality and cheap. It is surprising, but we do have some tricks to lower prices without hindering quality.
To start using our services, it’s enough to place a request like “I need a writer to do my assignment” or “Please, write an essay for me.” We have a convenient order form, which you can complete within minutes and pay for the order via a secure payment system. The support team will view it after the order form and payment is complete and then they will find an academic writer who matches your order description perfectly. Once you submit your instructions, while your order is in progress and even after its completion, our support team will monitor it to provide you with timely assistance.
Hiring good writers is one of the key points in providing high-quality services. That’s why we have entry tests for all applicants who want to work for us. We try to make sure all writers working for us are professionals, so when you purchase custom-written papers, they are of high quality and non-plagiarized.
Our cheap essay writing service employs only writers who have outstanding writing skills. The quality of all custom papers written by our team is important to us; that is why we are so attentive to the application process and employ only those writers who can produce great essays and other kinds of written assignments. All our writers are graduates. They are competent in handling the clients’ assignments. We step in to help you with any and all of your assignments. Our assignment help service ensures that you never miss a grade or deadline.
All our cheap essays are customized to meet your requirements and written from scratch. Our writers have a lot of experience with academic papers and know how to write them without plagiarism. Moreover, at our academic service, we have our own plagiarism-detection software which is designed to find similarities between completed papers and online sources. You can be sure that our custom-written papers are original and properly cited.
Our essay writing service has a 0% plagiarism tolerance. We are well aware of the dangers of plagiarism. Plagiarism is academic suicide. Our essay writing service ensures that all papers are original. We do not sell pre-written papers. All papers are written from scratch as per the instructions. We pass our papers through powerful anti-plagiarism software such as SafeAssign and TurnItIn.
Our cheap essay writing service tries to always be at its best performance level, so each customer who pays money for paper writing can be sure that he or she will get what is wanted. On the off chance that you don’t like your order, you can request a refund and we will return the money according to our money-back guarantee.
There can be a number of reasons why you might not like your order. If we honestly don’t meet your expectations, we will issue a refund. You can also request a free revision, if there are only slight inconsistencies in your order. Your writer will make the necessary amendments free of charge. You can find out more information by visiting our revision policy and money-back guarantee pages, or by contacting our support team via online chat or phone.
We know how important any deadline is to you; that’s why everyone in our company has their tasks and perform them promptly to provide you with the required assistance on time. We even have an urgent delivery option for short essays, term papers, or research papers needed within 8 to 24 hours.
We appreciate that you have chosen our cheap essay service, and will provide you with high-quality and low-cost custom essays, research papers, term papers, speeches, book reports, and other academic assignments for sale. We beat all deadlines. We can also handle urgent orders with deadlines as short as 1 hour. Our urgent paper writing service does not compromise on quality due to the short deadline. On the contrary, our essay writers have a lot of experience which comes in handy in such situations.
We provide affordable writing services for students around the world. That’s why we work without a break to help you at any time, wherever you are located. Contact us for cheap writing assistance. Our impeccable customer support team will answer all your questions and help you out with any issues.Proceed to order page
Delivering a high-quality product at a reasonable price is not enough anymore.
That’s why we have developed 5 beneficial guarantees that will make your experience with our service enjoyable, easy, and safe.
You have to be 100% sure of the quality of your product to give a money-back guarantee. This describes us perfectly. Make sure that this guarantee is totally transparent.Read more
Each paper is composed from scratch, according to your instructions. It is then checked by our plagiarism-detection software. There is no gap where plagiarism could squeeze in.Read more
Thanks to our free revisions, there is no way for you to be unsatisfied. We will work on your paper until you are completely happy with the result.Read more
Your email is safe, as we store it according to international data protection rules. Your bank details are secure, as we use only reliable payment systems.Read more
By sending us your money, you buy the service we provide. Check out our terms and conditions if you prefer business talks to be laid out in official language.Read more